Marine Le Pen – BBC News the price of bitcoin

Marine le pen talks with practised confidence. In a previous life she was a lawyer who defended in the paris courts the sort of immigrants she now wants expelled.

This is her sixth year as leader of a party traditionally seen as far-right. It is also her second tilt at the presidency – she won third place with nearly 18% in 2012.

That bettered anything her father achieved, even in 2002, when he came second to jacques chirac on an anti-immigrant, law-and-order platform.

Even more is expected of her now.

Watching marine in action, you can understand the appeal. There is a hint of the “everywoman” about her.

People like the lived-in, authentic persona, the sense she gives of combining hard work with the aura of someone who knows how to have a good time.

A political player in france for years, her message – anti-immigration, anti-EU – is consistent and unchanged.The price of bitcoin

Out here in the sticks, people adore the fact that she is so hated by the establishment in paris.

Marine owes jean-marie. In daughter as in father there is the same pugnacity – ready for a scrap with a hostile world.

She did an honourable thing, argues marine’s close friend jean-lin lacapelle. “for the sake of politics and for the sake of france, she did the hardest thing a child can do – she cut the cord with her father.”

The final break came in april 2015, when in an interview on french radio jean-marie le pen did what marine had long feared he would do. He repeated le détail.

Mention le détail to anyone in the national front today and their face hardens . They know exactly what it means. In september 1987 a dark moment became a turning-point in the party’s history. In their biography of the man, pierre pean and philippe cohen call it “the day le pen became le pen”.The price of bitcoin

He was asked in an interview about a notorious holocaust denier. Did he share the man’s ideas?

In his reply, the FN chief was at his ambiguous worst: “I do not say that the gas chambers did not exist. I never personally saw them. I have never particularly studied the issue, but I believe they are a point of detail in the history of world war two.”

Even today the house is part of the story. Marine carried on living at the le pen estate into her 40s, in a bungalow in the grounds. In the summer of 2014 she finally moved out. It was at the height of the row with her father.

“the things I saw there you would not believe! She and her father were 100m apart but communicating via intermediaries. It was vaudeville,” says a former senior adviser to marine, who asks not to be identified.

Again, the final straw could not have been more symbolic.The price of bitcoin it came when one of jean-marie’s dogs killed his daughter’s adored cat, artemis.

For marine, who sometimes says she wishes she could give it all up and open a cattery, it was all too much.

Today montretout is home on the second floor to jean-marie’s second daughter yann, mother of the rising young FN star marion marechal le pen.

The eldest le pen daughter marie-caroline is, like marine, estranged from her father and lives elsewhere. In her case the split goes back to 2002 – they haven’t talked since.

1968 was the year that changed france. It was the student protests in paris versus the intransigent president charles de gaulle.

Politically, the regime held. But otherwise the country was transformed. For supporters it meant a more tolerant, diverse society. For opponents it was the start of the left wing’s half century of cultural hegemony.The price of bitcoin

Today marine le pen is a nationalist. She is unabashedly opposed to immigration. But there is no hint in her of the far-right ideology that clung to members of her father’s generation.

According to laurent joffrin of liberation , marine’s views are eclectic and opportunistic.

“nationalists are always like that – whatever is for the nation is right,” he says. Thus in her autobiography written in 2005 she argued against the 35-hour week, but now she supports it.

FN ideas about fixing the retirement age at 60 are interchangeable with those of the far left.

The influence of her generation is key. “I noticed working with her that when a question came up her first reflex was a reflex of the left,” says the former adviser to marine, who does not want to be named.

“she does not have right-wing reflexes.The price of bitcoin for me, right-wing people are people who value liberty over equality. And left-wing people are the opposite. Well, marine always chose equality over liberty.”

– EU renegotiation with brussels followed by a referendum

– 15,000 new police and 40,000 new prison places

– 35-hour working week and retirement age fixed at 60

– legal immigration cut to 10,000 per year

– automatic expulsion of undocumented immigrants

– priority for french nationals in social housing

Most noticeably it is on social matters that marine le pen is a million miles from the caricature of the far-right traditionalist.

She refused to join the movement against gay marriage, which brought millions on to the streets in 2013, and she has several gay advisers, notably florian philippot. Then again, jean-marie’s long-standing personal assistant is also a gay man.The price of bitcoin

And if she is religious in a loose kind of way, she is scathing in her book about literalist interpreters of catholicism. She is twice divorced and angrily defends women’s right to abortion, although she regards it as a sad necessity.

Contrast that with the opinions of that other denizen of montretout – marine’s niece marion.

Philippot is – after marine – the FN’s most prominent public figure. He is an énarque. In other words he went to the ENA, the administration school that churns out members of the french establishment and, most importantly, he is a man of the nationalist left.

Largely under his influence, the FN has shifted its economic policies to overt protection of the working class. Jean-marie says: “for him to have such preponderant influence, for him to monopolise the message… that is wrong.”

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But jean-marie seems happier talking about the past.

He is a rebel by nature. In his own eye he is someone who exposes establishment hypocrisy.

The roots of his tempestuous career are at the end of world war two, when jean-marie felt that the national story, dominated by the movement of liberation hero charles de gaulle, and by the communists, was a sham.

Later he fought in france’s last imperial wars – indochina, suez, algeria – and became its youngest member of parliament behind the shopkeeper-turned-populist leader pierre poujade. Jean-marie, even now an MEP, voted against the treaty of rome setting up the EU in 1957.

Beziers has been transformed by immigration, with many town-centre houses now divided into flats and inhabited by people of maghrebi (north african) origin.

On the outskirts is an estate called la deveze, which has a reputation for drugs, arms-trafficking and radical islam.The price of bitcoin

Menard, who is a pied-noir – someone of european descent born in french algeria – lived in la deveze as a boy.

“back then la deveze meant social progress. There were arabs there, pieds-noirs , and metropolitan french. And we all got along. The first thing the algerian mothers did when they arrived in france was take off their headscarves. The fathers would smack the kids if they heard them talking arabic on the street,” he says.

Now he says you couldn’t force him to live there. Stairwell by stairwell, he says, north africans, turks and french roma (gypsies) live in separation.

For menard, the french social model has broken down. He thinks immigration has to stop completely so that the country can do what it can to integrate those that are here. The state school system – in which large numbers of children speak more arabic than french – needs urgent attention.The price of bitcoin

In the west – it seems – the nation is returning, a political idea on which the national front has had a monopoly in france for more than a generation.

For journalist elisabeth levy, a leading light in the “new right” philosophical movement, “it is not that france has become le penist, reality has become le penist”.

“in every country we are confronted with the same question – how do you integrate millions of immigrants? And the answer is you can’t – not if they keep on coming.”

In other countries populist, nationalist parties have grown up, without triggering the same gasps of horror.

Part of the reason for the alarm is that the FN has always had a terrible press. In france it has suited successive governments, especially on the left, to caricature the party in the worst possible light.

But there is a difference in france – and that is history.The price of bitcoin

The roots of the FN lie in the country’s troubled past – a past in which ideology and violence have often advanced hand in hand.

Outbursts of civil unrest remain a part of the french psyche. The 1871 paris commune was followed by the anti-semitic dreyfus affair in 1894. The wartime vichy regime was followed by the fighting in algeria.

In france people take sides. They believe in ideas. And if the conditions are right they will fight for them. That is why it all feels more real here.

A marine le pen presidency could well spark violence on a scale far greater than the protests she currently attracts.